AIS SPOOFING. A Chinese research vessel identified as “JIA HAI KE 7” holds position approximately 38 nautical miles off Itbayat, Batanes in this photo taken during a Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) Maritime Domain Awareness flight on Monday (Sept. 28, 2026).
The PCG confirmed the vessel was falsifying its Automatic Identification System data to conceal its true movements near a corridor hosting critical undersea communication cables
From BusinessUpTurn by Vaibhav Agrawal
On Monday, the PCG said a Chinese-flagged seabed survey vessel, identified as JIA HAI KE 7, was loitering about 38 nautical miles northwest of Itbayat in the Batanes island group, the Philippines' northernmost province.
Itbayat lies roughly 160 km from Taiwan.
According to the PCG, the ship ignored repeated radio challenges asking it to identify its intentions and stop any unauthorised activity.
The agency also said the vessel appeared to be broadcasting false Automatic Identification System (AIS) positions.
Tracking data, it said, placed the ship off Xiamen and off Papua New Guinea on the same day, and then northwest of Itbayat, a sequence the PCG called physically impossible.

“Jiahai Ke 7” is classified by China Classification Society and is the first private scientific research vessel equipped with DP-2 system in China.
The vessel has a total length of 70.26m, a beam of 13.30m, a depth of 5.60m and a designed draft of 4.10m.
It adopts a steel welded structure, is equipped with an advanced electric propulsion system, and has DP-2 dynamic positioning function.
It is mainly used for offshore marine geological surveys and offshore marine scientific investigations.
It is mainly used for offshore marine geological surveys and offshore marine scientific investigations.
It is a comprehensive survey vessel with marine geological survey and research functions.
Citing open-source information, the PCG described the ship as a 2,000-ton, 70-metre vessel built for marine geological surveys and precise station-keeping.
It said the ship's behaviour matched marine scientific research rather than transit, and that it would keep monitoring.
The Chinese Embassy in Manila had not responded when the report was published.
It said the ship's behaviour matched marine scientific research rather than transit, and that it would keep monitoring.
The Chinese Embassy in Manila had not responded when the report was published.
PCG aircraft confirms the presence of Jia Hai Ke 7 northwest of Itbayat, Batanes, on September 28.
(Photo courtesy of PCG)
The allegation bundles three claims that deserve separate treatment, because each rests on a different kind of evidence.
The first is the AIS spoofing claim, which is the most testable.
AIS is a broadcast system, and a vessel's positional history can be checked against simple physics.
If the same 70-metre ship appears in two different seas on the same day, at a distance no such ship could cover, then the data is false.
The cause could be deliberate manipulation, a transmitter fault, or an error in how a tracking service aggregated the data.
The PCG's reasoning that impossibility implies manipulation is sound as an inference, but the report does not say who recorded each position or from which data source.
It also does not say how the ship's true location was established, though the radio challenges suggest the PCG had some independent means of locating it.
Comparing raw tracking records would settle the question either way.
The second claim is that the ship was conducting unauthorised marine scientific research.
This rests on behaviour and design: the vessel held its position instead of proceeding on a steady course, and it is built for survey work.
The PCG's wording is careful, saying the behaviour was "consistent with" such research, which is weaker than confirming it.
Station-keeping fits a seabed survey, but it also fits weather avoidance, mechanical trouble, or simply waiting.
The report cites no sampling gear deployed and no data collected.
The first is the AIS spoofing claim, which is the most testable.
AIS is a broadcast system, and a vessel's positional history can be checked against simple physics.
If the same 70-metre ship appears in two different seas on the same day, at a distance no such ship could cover, then the data is false.
The cause could be deliberate manipulation, a transmitter fault, or an error in how a tracking service aggregated the data.
The PCG's reasoning that impossibility implies manipulation is sound as an inference, but the report does not say who recorded each position or from which data source.
It also does not say how the ship's true location was established, though the radio challenges suggest the PCG had some independent means of locating it.
Comparing raw tracking records would settle the question either way.
The second claim is that the ship was conducting unauthorised marine scientific research.
This rests on behaviour and design: the vessel held its position instead of proceeding on a steady course, and it is built for survey work.
The PCG's wording is careful, saying the behaviour was "consistent with" such research, which is weaker than confirming it.
Station-keeping fits a seabed survey, but it also fits weather avoidance, mechanical trouble, or simply waiting.
The report cites no sampling gear deployed and no data collected.
The third claim is the security concern about undersea communications infrastructure and the potential military use of collected data.
This is a risk assessment, not an observed fact.
It is credible in context, since the waters off Batanes and the Luzon Strait host key submarine cable corridors linking the Philippines with Northeast Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific.
Still, a concern about what a survey could enable is not evidence that any cable was surveyed or targeted, and the report does not say a cable lies near the vessel's position.
The legal framing also needs care.
The report contrasts the vessel's behaviour with innocent passage, but under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), innocent passage is a right exercised in another state's territorial sea, which extends up to 12 nautical miles.
Article 19 lists research and survey activities among those that make passage non-innocent.
This is a risk assessment, not an observed fact.
It is credible in context, since the waters off Batanes and the Luzon Strait host key submarine cable corridors linking the Philippines with Northeast Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific.
Still, a concern about what a survey could enable is not evidence that any cable was surveyed or targeted, and the report does not say a cable lies near the vessel's position.
The legal framing also needs care.
The report contrasts the vessel's behaviour with innocent passage, but under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), innocent passage is a right exercised in another state's territorial sea, which extends up to 12 nautical miles.
Article 19 lists research and survey activities among those that make passage non-innocent.
At 38 nautical miles from Itbayat, the vessel was well outside 12 nautical miles of that island.
Depending on how Philippine baselines apply, the position could fall in the country's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) or in archipelagic waters, and the report does not say which.
That distinction matters.
In an EEZ, other states enjoy freedom of navigation, but UNCLOS Article 246 requires the coastal state's consent for marine scientific research.
So the PCG's case is stronger when framed as unauthorised research in the EEZ than as a breach of innocent passage.
This is an observation about framing, not a claim that the PCG is wrong.
China has historically taken a different view of some survey activity in EEZs, so part of this dispute is about legal interpretation and not only about facts.
The spoofing allegation also matters beyond this one ship.
Under the International Maritime Organization's SOLAS regime, many vessels must carry and operate AIS, though exemptions exist.
Broadcasting false positions undermines the system's purposes of collision avoidance and monitoring.
Spoofing by various vessels has been reported in several regions, which is why analysts routinely cross-check AIS against satellite radar and radio-frequency detection.
The phenomenon is well documented, but whether this particular vessel engaged in it remains, for now, the PCG's assertion.
Geography explains why the incident draws attention.
The Luzon Strait, including the Bashi Channel between Batanes and Taiwan, is a chokepoint for both shipping and data.
Subsea cables carry the large majority of international data traffic, and concentrated cable corridors are natural targets for surveying, since routes and seabed conditions change little over time.
The source report also ties the incident to a wider strategic debate by referencing a Reuters investigation into U.S. plans concerning China's navy and this narrow Pacific waterway.
The report also mentions that scholars at Jinan University have previously argued that Batanes belonged to China.
That is the view of individual academics, and nothing in the report shows it to be an official Chinese government position.
It is relevant only as context, since Batanes is unambiguously Philippine territory under current international recognition, and the report offers no evidence connecting those scholars to this vessel.
Several questions remain open.
It is not yet clear whether independent tracking data confirms the impossible track, or from which sources.
The vessel's registered owner or operator is unknown, and the report gives only its flag, so state affiliation cannot be assumed.
No one has said whether survey equipment was seen operating, which maritime zone the ship occupied under Philippine baselines, or whether any cable runs near its position.
China's response is also missing, so any official explanation, such as a permitted activity or a transit issue, is unrepresented.
Taken together, the strongest element of the PCG's account is the physically impossible AIS track, which is checkable and, if confirmed, hard to explain innocently.
The weakest link is the chain from loitering to confirmed survey activity to military use, which stacks inference on inference.
The episode is best read as a test of how a coastal state can document and publicise grey-zone activity when direct enforcement options are limited, and its credibility will depend on whether the evidence is released for others to verify.
Depending on how Philippine baselines apply, the position could fall in the country's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) or in archipelagic waters, and the report does not say which.
That distinction matters.
In an EEZ, other states enjoy freedom of navigation, but UNCLOS Article 246 requires the coastal state's consent for marine scientific research.
So the PCG's case is stronger when framed as unauthorised research in the EEZ than as a breach of innocent passage.
This is an observation about framing, not a claim that the PCG is wrong.
China has historically taken a different view of some survey activity in EEZs, so part of this dispute is about legal interpretation and not only about facts.
The spoofing allegation also matters beyond this one ship.
Under the International Maritime Organization's SOLAS regime, many vessels must carry and operate AIS, though exemptions exist.
Broadcasting false positions undermines the system's purposes of collision avoidance and monitoring.
Spoofing by various vessels has been reported in several regions, which is why analysts routinely cross-check AIS against satellite radar and radio-frequency detection.
The phenomenon is well documented, but whether this particular vessel engaged in it remains, for now, the PCG's assertion.
Geography explains why the incident draws attention.
The Luzon Strait, including the Bashi Channel between Batanes and Taiwan, is a chokepoint for both shipping and data.
Subsea cables carry the large majority of international data traffic, and concentrated cable corridors are natural targets for surveying, since routes and seabed conditions change little over time.
The source report also ties the incident to a wider strategic debate by referencing a Reuters investigation into U.S. plans concerning China's navy and this narrow Pacific waterway.
The report also mentions that scholars at Jinan University have previously argued that Batanes belonged to China.
That is the view of individual academics, and nothing in the report shows it to be an official Chinese government position.
It is relevant only as context, since Batanes is unambiguously Philippine territory under current international recognition, and the report offers no evidence connecting those scholars to this vessel.
Several questions remain open.
It is not yet clear whether independent tracking data confirms the impossible track, or from which sources.
The vessel's registered owner or operator is unknown, and the report gives only its flag, so state affiliation cannot be assumed.
No one has said whether survey equipment was seen operating, which maritime zone the ship occupied under Philippine baselines, or whether any cable runs near its position.
China's response is also missing, so any official explanation, such as a permitted activity or a transit issue, is unrepresented.
Taken together, the strongest element of the PCG's account is the physically impossible AIS track, which is checkable and, if confirmed, hard to explain innocently.
The weakest link is the chain from loitering to confirmed survey activity to military use, which stacks inference on inference.
The episode is best read as a test of how a coastal state can document and publicise grey-zone activity when direct enforcement options are limited, and its credibility will depend on whether the evidence is released for others to verify.
Links :
- GlobalTimes : Hurling insults will never win the Philippines any advantages in the South China Sea
- MarineInsight : Philippines Accuses Chinese Vessel Of Location Falsification Near Undersea Cables









