The ghost of Columbus and the Impossible geometry of the Piri Reis map

Top image: An illustration of a man in a turban, representing Piri Reis, standing before an ancient world map with a brass compass in the foreground.

Source: AI generated

 

From AncientOrigins by mariusalbertsen

In 1929, while renovating the Topkapi Palace in Istanbul, a theologian discovered a fragment of gazelle skin that would rewrite the history of cartography.
This was the Piri Reis map, a world chart compiled in 1513 by the Ottoman admiral and cartographer Piri Reis.
While the map is famous for its early depiction of the Americas, a new wave of academic research is peeling back layers of mystery that suggest the map is even more "impossible" than previously thought.
Using modern cartometric analysis and digital "mosaicking," researchers are finding that the underlying geometry of this 16th-century artifact mirrors a level of survey accuracy that defies the technology of the Ottoman era.

The Piri Reis map was not merely a single drawing but a compilation of at least 20 different source maps.
Among these, Piri Reis himself claimed to have used eight Ptolemaic maps, four Portuguese charts, and one "lost" map by Christopher Columbus.
Because Columbus’s own nautical charts have never been found by modern historians, the Piri Reis fragment is often considered the only surviving "ghost" of Columbus’s original geographic vision.
However, the precision of the latitudes and longitudes in the Atlantic sector has led scholars to wonder if the source material was far older than the Age of Discovery.

Mosaics of Accuracy: The Map That Shouldn’t Exist

Map from Piri Reis’ Kitab-ı Bahriye showing Europe and the Mediterranean.
( Istanbul University Library / Public Domain)

Recent studies using cartometric analysis, a method of comparing historical maps against modern satellite coordinates, have revealed a shocking discovery.
Researchers such as M. Marelić and B.Šlaus have argued that the Portolan charts, which include the Piri Reis map, were constructed as a "mosaic" of smaller, highly accurate regional surveys.
These individual "tiles" of the map show a geometric precision that is nearly twice as high as the overall composite.
This suggests that Piri Reis was working with source maps that were surveyed with sophisticated instruments, possibly involving early forms of trigonometry that were not widely documented in 1513.

The coastal detail of South America on the Piri Reis map is particularly striking.
It depicts the Brazilian coastline with remarkable accuracy, including the mouths of the Amazon and Orinoco rivers.
In some sections, the deviation from modern GPS data is less than 50 kilometers (31 miles), a feat that should have been impossible before the invention of the marine chronometer in the 18th century.
This has led some fringe theorists to suggest "lost civilizations," but mainstream academics are now looking toward a more grounded, yet equally fascinating, possibility: an advanced, forgotten tradition of medieval Mediterranean seafaring.

Tracing the Lost Charts of Christopher Columbus

Portrait of a Man, Said to be Christopher Columbus.
(Sebastiano del Piombo/Public domain)

One of the most tantalizing aspects of the Piri Reis map is the inscription where the Admiral admits his debt to the "Genoese infidel," Columbus.
According to the text on the parchment, Columbus possessed a book from the time of Alexander the Great that described the lands across the Western Sea.
This claim has sent historians on a hunt for the "Columbian source." 

If Piri Reis truly copied a map used by Columbus, then the inaccuracies in the Caribbean section of the map, such as the oversized island of Hispaniola, might actually represent Columbus’s own distorted belief that he had found the legendary island of Cipangu (Japan).

The map also features vibrant illustrations of the New World’s fauna.
It shows parrots, monkeys, and even mythical creatures like the "Blemmyes," headless men with faces on their chests.
While these seem like mere folklore, they are placed alongside surprisingly accurate descriptions of the climate and local inhabitants.
The Piri Reis map thus serves as a bridge between the medieval mindset of monsters and the Renaissance drive for empirical data.
It is a snapshot of a world in transition, where the mystical and the mathematical collided on a piece of gazelle skin measuring roughly 60 by 90 centimeters (2.0 by 3.0 ft)

 
Beyond Piri Reis: The Heart-Shaped Mysteries of the Ottoman Empire

Piri Reis was not the only Ottoman cartographer to produce "impossible" documents.
The Hajji Ahmed map of 1559, a cordiform (heart-shaped) world map, also shows a level of geographic knowledge that seems ahead of its time.
Most notably, it appears to show a land bridge between Siberia and Alaska, the Bering Strait, long before it was officially "discovered" by Vitus Bering in 1728.
When viewed alongside the Piri Reis map, a pattern emerges: the Ottoman Empire was a central clearinghouse for a global "intelligence network" of geographic data that has since been lost to the West.

The "Antarctica" controversy remains the most debated feature of the Piri Reis map.
Many have pointed to the bottom edge of the map, claiming it shows the Queen Maud Land coast of Antarctica without ice.
Skeptics, however, argue that this is simply the southern extension of South America, curved to fit the dimensions of the gazelle skin.
Recent cartometric shifting suggests that if you "unbend" the map’s lower edge, the coastline matches the Patagonian shelf with surprising detail.
Whether it represents a frozen continent or a distorted South America, the mathematical intent behind the lines remains a subject of intense academic scrutiny.

Photorealistic reconstruction of the ice-free Antarctic coastline at twilight – evoking the mysterious, ancient landscape that some believe the source maps behind the Piri Reis map may have depicted.

Ancient Archives or Accidental Genius?

As we move deeper into the 21st century, the Piri Reis map continues to challenge our understanding of the past.
The "Mosaic Theory" implies that there were ancient archives of geographic data, perhaps dating back to the Great Library of Alexandria, that were preserved by Islamic scholars while Europe was in the Dark Ages.
These archives would have contained the collective wisdom of Phoenician, Greek, and Roman mariners who had ventured much further into the Atlantic than history books currently admit.

Ultimately, the Piri Reis map is a testament to the power of synthesis.
Piri Reis was a master editor, weaving together threads of Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, and possibly even ancient nautical traditions into a single, cohesive vision of the planet.
While we may never find the "lost book" of Alexander or the original charts of Columbus, this Ottoman masterpiece remains a primary witness to a lost era of global exploration.
It reminds us that the history of how we mapped our world is not a straight line of progress, but a complex puzzle of discovery, loss, and rediscovery.

Links:

• Shifting Earth Crusts: Does the Ancient Piri Reis Map Pinpoint Atlantis?
• Piri Reis Map - How Could a 16th Century Map Show Antarctica Without Ice?
• GeoGarage blog : The Genoese brothers who disappeared looking for a ...  /  Colombus and the Piri Reis map of 1513 / Did the Piri Reis map show Antarctica before its discovery? / Sailing the mysteries of old maps
  

Inside America’s ‘secret’ island deep in the remote Pacific ocean

Take a peek inside the mystery and magic of Palmyra Atoll. 

“Deep in the middle of the Pacific Ocean is a small chain of islands so remote that its nearest continental neighbor is over 3,000 miles away. It’s a place where the norms of modern American life are instead replaced by a million seabirds and the gentle rustling of coconut palms. This is the US territory of Palmyra Atoll. And because of a unique set of circumstances, it stands as one of the most isolated, pristine, and inaccessible places on the planet. Not even American citizens can easily visit.” 

From Surfer by Dashel Pierson

A tiny US territory 1,000 miles south of Hawaii is one of the planet’s most pristine, inaccessible island chains.

Here’s how a lucky few actually get in.

 

Palmyra Atoll, as seen during its time as a naval base during WWII.YouTube

Key Points

Palmyra Atoll is an extremely remote, pristine U.S. territory in the South Pacific.
Public access is rare, restricted for research, stewardship, or with strict USFWS approval.
Visiting requires significant expense; only a few vessels can access at once.

Palmyra in the GeoGarage platform (NOAA nautical raster chart)

About 1,000 miles due south of Hawaii, sitting out in the South Pacific Ocean, there lies one of the most remote and untouched places on earth: Palmyra Atoll.

It’s a curious place, both geographically and administratively.

The low-lying island is totally isolated, making it home to a host of tropical wildlife including sharks, manta rays, giant clams, and a variety of seabirds.

 

It’s also controlled by the United States, once serving as a naval base during World War II, and yet, visiting Palmyra is extremely restricted.

 

How does one visit Palmyra? 

It is possible.

And for a select few, people can even spend extended periods of time there serving as stewards. 

 

Per the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service:

 Public access to Palmyra Atoll is self-limiting due to the very high expense and difficulty of traveling to such a remote destination.

The Nature Conservancy owns and operates the only airplane runway on Palmyra and by boat, it’s a five to seven day sailing trip from Honolulu.
“With prior approval by the USFWS, privately owned vessels are permitted access to the atoll for up to seven days to see and enjoy the natural resources of the refuge. A maximum of two vessels are allowed at one time and no more than six vessels may visit in a single month. As no dumping of any kind is allowed within the refuge, private vessels must have sufficient holding tanks for all black and gray water to accommodate their needs throughout the entire length of stay.”

 

Links :

• NBC news : I agreed to live alone on the Palmyra Atoll for one year. Here's why and how I stayed for eight
• USGS : Palmyra Atoll, an island paradise in recovery 

 

Flashback in maritime history: Exxon Valdez oil spill 24 Mar 1989

From Maritime Cyprus

On 24 March 1989, the single-hull tanker EXXON VALDEZ was departing the Port of Valdez, Alaska with a full load of North Slope crude oil (approximately 1.26 million barrels) destined for Long Beach when it grounded on Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound.

 

EXXON VALDEZ grounded on Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound, Alaska, on 24th March 1989, releasing ~37,000 tonnes of Alaska North Slope crude oil.
Despite the utilisation of significant numbers of personnel, vessels, boom, skimmers and other resources, the oil spread widely to affect a variety of shores to varying degrees over an estimated 1800Km in Prince William Sound and along Alaska’s south coast as far west as Kodiak Island.
The response was the most expensive ever for a ship-source oil spill, with over 10,000 workers employed at the height of the clean-up operations, many of them in shoreline clean-up, often in remote areas.

 

The resulting oil spill, while not the largest in US history, was clearly the most important and most expensive ship-source spill.
It engendered much litigation.

In 1989, a tanker ran aground off the coast of Alaska, causing one of the worst oil spills in United States history.

Nearly 25 years later, the lessons of the Exxon Valdez continue to resonate.

 

Storyline:

One of the worst oil spills in U.S. territory begins when the supertanker Exxon Valdez, owned and operated by the Exxon Corporation, runs aground on a reef in Prince William Sound in southern Alaska.
An estimated 1.26 million barrels (37,000 tonnes) of oil eventually spilled into the water.
Attempts to contain the massive spill were unsuccessful, and wind and currents spread the oil more than 100 miles from its source, eventually polluting more than 700 miles of coastline.
Hundreds of thousands of birds and animals were adversely affected by the environmental disaster.

 

It was later revealed that Joseph Hazelwood, the captain of the Valdez, was drinking at the time of the accident and allowed an uncertified officer to steer the massive vessel.
In March 1990, Hazelwood was convicted of misdemeanor negligence, fined $50,000, and ordered to perform 1,000 hours of community service.
In July 1992, an Alaska court overturned Hazelwood’s conviction, citing a federal statute that grants freedom from prosecution to those who report an oil spill.

Exxon spent ~US$2.1 billion in clean-up costs and pleaded guilty to violations of the Clean Water Act, the Refuse Act, and the Migratory Bird Treaty Act.

 

 

  

 

Exxon itself was condemned by the National Transportation Safety Board and in early 1991 agreed under pressure from environmental groups to pay a fine of $100 million and provide $1 billion over a 10-year period for the cost of the cleanup.
However, later in the year, both Alaska and Exxon rejected the agreement, and in October 1991 the oil giant settled the matter by paying $25 million, less than 4 percent of the cleanup aid promised by Exxon earlier that year.

A civil action by the United States and the State of Alaska for environmental damage ended with payments of ~US$900 million toward restoring natural resources.
A further US$303 million was paid in voluntary settlements to commercial fishermen for lost income due to fish stock damages, to Alaska Natives for lost harvest foods, to seafood processors and employees and to other organisations for lost income, as well as to private landowners for damage to their land as a result of the oil.
With additional fines and damages ~US$4 billion was paid as a consequence of the spill.
A part of this amount was recovered from various insurance companies, including from the vessel’s P&I Club under TOVALOP and from cargo owners through CRISTAL.

The Exxon Valdez oil spill occurred in Prince William Sound, Alaska, on March 24, 1989, when Exxon Valdez, an oil tanker bound for Long Beach, California, struck Prince William Sound's Bligh Reef at 12:04 a.m.[1] local time and spilled 260,000 to 750,000 barrels (41,000 to 119,000 m3) of crude oil[2][3] over the next few days. 

It is considered to be one of the most devastating human-caused environmental disasters.[4] 

The Valdez spill was the largest ever in US waters until the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill, in terms of volume released.[5] 

However, Prince William Sound's remote location, accessible only by helicopter, plane, or boat, made government and industry response efforts difficult and severely taxed existing plans for response. 

The region is a habitat for salmon, sea otters, seals and seabirds. 

The oil, originally extracted at the Prudhoe Bay oil field, eventually covered 1,300 miles (2,100 km) of coastline,[6] and 11,000 square miles (28,000 km2) of ocean.[7] 

 Exxon's CEO, Lawrence Rawl, shaped the company's response.[8] 

According to official reports, the ship was carrying approximately 55 million US gallons (210,000 m3) of oil, of which about 10.1 to 11 million US gallons (240,000 to 260,000 bbl; 38,000 to 42,000 m3) were spilled into the Prince William Sound.[9][10] 

 A figure of 11 million US gallons (260,000 bbl; 42,000 m3) was a commonly accepted estimate of the spill's volume and has been used by the State of Alaska's Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Trustee Council,[6] the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and environmental groups such as Greenpeace and the Sierra Club.

[5][11][12] Some groups, such as Defenders of Wildlife, dispute the official estimates, maintaining that the volume of the spill, which was calculated by subtracting the volume of material removed from the vessel's tanks after the spill from the volume of the original cargo, has been underreported.[13] 

Alternative calculations, based on the assumption that the official reports underestimated how much seawater had been forced into the damaged tanks, placed the total at 25 to 32 million US gallons (600,000 to 760,000 bbl; 95,000 to 121,000 m3).[2] 

From: Big Oil: In the Wake of the Exxon Valdez - Natural World - BBC

 
Following the grounding, Alaska Governor Jay Hammond authorised the creation of the Alaska Oil Spill Commission in 1989 to examine the causes of the spill and issue recommendations on potential policy changes.
Fifty of these recommendations formed the basis for the Oil Pollution Act bill introduced into the legislative process in March 1989 by congressman Walter B. Jones, Sr.
The bill was signed by President Bush on 18th August 1990, officially enacting the Oil Pollution Act of 1990 (OPA 90), which mandated double hulls for new tankers, response plans, and a number of other remedial measures.
OPA 90 also significantly changed the liability and compensation scheme for oil spills in US waters.
The amount of oil entering waters of the United States from ships drastically decreased following implementation of OPA 90.

U.S. continues to close mapping gaps on ocean, coastal, and Great Lakes waters

From NOAA

In 2025, the ocean and coastal mapping community added 70,700 square nautical miles (snm) of new bathymetric data coverage to national repositories.
With an ultimate goal of fully mapped U.S.
waters by 2040, these additions brought the total down to 44% unmapped.

Progress was made on a number of fronts, but most notably in areas where regional efforts are underway to boost collaborative data acquisition activities and data sharing, in accordance with the National Ocean Mapping, Exploration and Characterization, or NOMEC, Strategy goals.

With almost 44,000 snm of new seafloor mapped, more than half of the total new bathymetry coverage gains are in the U.S. Pacific Remote Island territories and Hawaiian waters.
These bathymetric coverage gains were in predominantly deep water greater than 200 meters and conducted during expeditions funded by NOAA Ocean Exploration via the Ocean Exploration Cooperative Institute, including focused mapping expeditions aboard Ocean Exploration Trust’s Exploration Vessel Nautilus in 2022, 2023, and 2024 around the Hawaiian Islands, Johnston Atoll, Howland and Baker Islands, Kingman Reef, Palmyra Atoll, Jarvis Island, and American Samoa.

Adding approximately 13,000 snm of mapping data, the Alaska region, home of the Seascape Alaska campaign, saw the second largest gains in new bathymetric data coverage.
Major contributions to closing gaps in this region include NOAA Coast Survey hydrographic surveys conducted during the 2023-2025 field seasons, including multiyear projects in Kotzebue Sound and Southeast Alaska as well as an ongoing U.S. Geological Survey/NOAA co-funded mapping project south of Kodiak Island.

The Great Lakes, home of the Lakebed 2030 campaign, moved from 85% to 83% unmapped after adding approximately 1,000 snm of mapping data.
Much of that progress is attributable to NOAA multibeam sonar hydrographic surveys in Lake Michigan and eastern Lake Ontario as well as Sturgeon Bay, conducted in 2024 and 2021, respectively.
The Atlantic and Gulf region jumped from 31% to 28% unmapped during this reporting period.
Much of that progress is attributable to bathymetric LIDAR collected in Maine and Florida as well as NOAA multibeam sonar hydrographic surveys conducted during the 2023-2025 field seasons.
Conducted in 2024, the Gulf of Maine Dual Drix project represents part of this progress, focusing on testing multiple uncrewed vehicles operated from shore to improve the efficiency of mapping operations.

 

 

A map showing areas of unmapped seafloor of the United States in January 2026.
(NOAA)

 

 

A bar graph showing the percentage of unmapped seafloor at 100-meter resolution in 2025, within six regions of the United States, including the total unmapped U.S.
percentage.
(NOAA)

• Areas of U.S. waters that remained unmapped as of January 2026: U.S. total1 – 1,726,000 snm out of 3,878,700, or 44%
• Atlantic and Gulf – 155,900 snm out of 547,200, or 28%
• Great Lakes – 37,400 snm out of 45,000, or 83%
• Caribbean – 17,500 snm out of 61,500, or 28%
• Alaska2 – 781,000 snm out of 1,283,500, or 61%
• Pacific (California, Oregon, Washington) – 37,900 snm out of 249,300, or 15%
• Pacific Remote Islands and the State of Hawaii – 696,100 snm out of 1,692,200, or 41%

1. Areas include the full extent of the U.S. Continental Shelf, as declared in 88 FR 88470.
2. The unmapped portion of the U.S. Arctic waters in the Alaska region is 533,200 snm.

Multibeam and lidar surveys are the two primary sources of bathymetry needed to fill these gaps.
In support of the Integrated Ocean and Coastal Mapping goal to “map once, use many times,” all of the data collected in this effort are publicly available to benefit all users.
For the latest status on these efforts and how you can contribute, visit https://iocm.noaa.gov/seabed-2030-status.html.

About the annual progress report

The federal Interagency Working Group on Ocean and Coastal Mapping recently released the seventh annual report on progress made in mapping U.S. ocean, coastal, and Great Lakes waters.
To safeguard our national security and economic prosperity, ocean mapping, exploration, and characterization is foundational to maritime commerce, domestic energy and seafood production, tourism and recreation, and understanding of our natural resources, among other interests.
The 2020 National Strategy for Mapping, Exploring, and Characterizing the United States Exclusive Economic Zone (NOMEC Strategy) makes comprehensive ocean mapping a priority for the coming decade.
The Unmapped U.S. Waters report tracks progress toward these important goals.

Pulling from an analysis of publicly available bathymetry, the report presents the percentage of unmapped U.S.
waters by region and shows our progress towards resolving these basic seafloor and lakefloor mapping gaps with each passing year.
Following from the 2025 report, this 2026 report includes the U.S. continental shelf beyond the 200 nautical mile exclusive economic zone, which the U.S. proclaimed in December 2023 (88 FR 88470).
This proclamation expanded the total area of interest for mapping progress tracking from 3,590,600 square nautical miles to 3,878,700 square nautical miles.

The broken system that keeps shipping crews stranded in the strait of Hormuz

A commercial ship anchored off the coast of the United Arab Emirates, in the Strait of Hormuz.
PHOTOGRAPH: GETTY IMAGES

From Wired by Ruchi Kumar

Vessels are increasingly being abandoned during the war on Iran, revealing a hidden failure in the global systems that keep goods—and people—moving.

WHEN CONFLICT DISRUPTS global shipping routes like the Strait of Hormuz, vessels don’t always leave.
Sometimes, they can’t.
Across key maritime corridors in the Gulf region, ships have become stranded—some due to escalating hostilities, others because of a less visible failure: a global shipping system where ownership, regulation, and responsibility often do not align.

For the people working on board, that failure can mean being unable to leave.

A seafarer from Kerala, India, PK Vijay had taken out a loan for what he believed would be stable work at sea.
His promised monthly salary was meant to support his family back home.
“I was told I would be working on a ship,” Vijay says.
“But when I got here, I was assigned to a scrap vessel.” He was told he would be transferred to another vessel.

Months passed.
The transfer he was promised never came.
According to Vijay, both the agent who facilitated his employment and the ship’s owner eventually stopped responding to his calls.
More than a year later, he says he has not been paid.

“I have finished my contract, but have not been paid a single rupee. It has been 14 months. And they won’t even let us leave,” he says.

The two-member crew of the Mahakal has not heard from the owner in over a year, nor have they been paid for their labor.
Without an official “sign-off” letter from the ship owner, Vijay says he cannot legally disembark or return home.

Caught in the System

Since the start of the conflict in the region, many civilian ships have found themselves in the crossfire.
This has been compounded by the closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran, essentially trapping ships in their positions and leaving them vulnerable to attack.

For crews on board, immobility carries risk.
“Thankfully, there have been no attacks or incidents close to us,” Vijay says.
“But we are living in fear.”

Since the start of joint US and Israeli attacks on Iran, around 1,900 commercial vessels have been stranded in the vicinity of the Strait of Hormuz, particularly in the Arabian Gulf. 

INFOGRAPHIC: GETTY IMAGES

According to the International Maritime Organization, at least 18 incidents involving attacks on ships were reported in the region up to March 24, with fatalities and injuries recorded.

For an estimated 20,000 seafarers and port workers operating across the region, the risks have increased.
For those already stranded on vessels, options are limited.

 

You shall pass!

Around 15 to 20 ships head through the Strait of Hormuz in 36 hours as Iran’s new shipping corridor facilitates safe navigation for mostly Chinese, Pakistani, Russian, and Iranian vessels. pic.twitter.com/MIsKduBd39

— Chay Bowes (@BowesChay) April 14, 2026

Around 15 to 20 ships head through the Strait of Hormuz in 36 hours as Iran’s new shipping corridor facilitates safe navigation for mostly Chinese, Pakistani, Russian, and Iranian vessels.

 

Built Across Borders

Modern shipping often spans multiple jurisdictions: A vessel can be owned in one country, registered in another, managed by a third party, and physically located elsewhere.

Under normal conditions, that complexity keeps global trade moving.
In times of crisis, it can leave workers in limbo—particularly on vessels that are poorly regulated or effectively abandoned.

In practice, cases like Vijay’s fall into a legal gray zone.
Ships can be owned, registered, and operated across different countries, leaving no single authority clearly responsible when something goes wrong.
Even when contracts end, seafarers often depend on ship owners to sign off their release.

If that cooperation disappears, so does any clear path home.
Labor organizations such as the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) say intervention is possible but often depends on coordination across jurisdictions and cooperation from ship owners.

“When the war broke out, we put a Warlike Operations Area Committee in place to address the protection of seafarers in the region,” says John Canias, maritime operations coordinator at the ITF.

The organization has identified certain maritime routes in the region, including the Arabian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, and some parts of the Gulf of Oman as high-risk areas, encouraging ship owners to allow seafarers to terminate contracts if they choose not to operate in those zones, says Canias.

But such measures rely on cooperation from ship owners—something that becomes difficult in cases involving abandoned vessels.

The Rise of Abandoned Ships

Vijay’s vessel, Mahakal, has a documented history of labor issue allegations.
Maritime advocacy groups say that it is owned by a private individual and is not officially registered with the International Maritime Organization.
This is not an isolated case.

According to the ITF, 2025 saw the highest number of ship abandonments on record, with 409 vessels reported abandoned and more than 6,200 seafarers affected globally.
Over 150 of those cases occurred across the wider Middle East region.
Indian nationals made up the largest group of abandoned seafarers, followed by Filipinos and Syrians.

Since the escalation of conflict in the region, ITF officials say they have received dozens of distress calls daily from seafarers, particularly those on vessels where owners have ceased communication.

In some cases, ITF documented that the machinery of the ships was destroyed, leaving them without fuel and power.
“Just recently, we got a video from a seafarer that shows a missile exploding perhaps 10m away from the ship,” Canias shares.

“We’ve seen cases where ships were damaged, where crews had to abandon vessels after attacks and others where ships lost power entirely,” Canias says.
“It is very dangerous for them.”

Trapped Between Systems and Conflict

For seafarers on abandoned vessels, the risks are not only physical.
Isolation, uncertainty, and lack of mobility can take a significant psychological toll.

Vijay says he tries to reassure his family during phone calls, even as his situation remains unchanged.
“My family is worried about me, but I try to show them I am happy,” he says.
“But I am in a very depressing situation.”

He says he hopes to return home and rebuild his life.
“I used to be a very happy person,” he says.
“I know I can be a happy person again if I can go back to my family.”

Global shipping continues to function, even under strain, rerouting cargo, adjusting to risk, and maintaining the flow of goods across regions.
But for workers on vessels that fall outside those systems of accountability, movement is not guaranteed.

For seafarers like Vijay, the infrastructure that brought them there continues to operate, but without any clear way out.

 

Links : 

• FT : Shipping stalls as Tehran dictates terms in Strait of Hormuz
• Maritime Executive : How Iran and the U.S. Justify Differing Views on Freedom of Navigation